According to a source at the Cheka-OGPU and Rucriminal.info, the future of Dagestan's head, Sergei Melikov, may become clear on April 28 in Mineralnye Vody, where an economic forum will begin and Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin will be present. According to this theory, Mishustin and Plenipotentiary Representative Yuri Chaika may announce Melikov's new position. If he accepts, he and Chaika will fly to Moscow on April 30, where the personnel changes will be officially announced. If all goes well, the deputy plenipotentiary representative for the North Caucasus Federal District, former FSB Directorate K officer Magomed Ramazanov, who was appointed deputy plenipotentiary representative for the Far Eastern Federal District yesterday, will be appointed acting head of the region. Sources say that one of those actively lobbying for Ramazanov's position, along with others, is Aidamir Valiyev, the eminence grise of the Plenipotentiary Representative's office in the North Caucasus Federal District, Yuri Chaika's fixer, and also his official assistant. Ramazanov began his career under Aidamir Valiyev at the FSB. Valiyev was a department head at the time, and Ramazanov was a senior detective for particularly important cases. Later, in the FSB's Directorate "K," Ramazanov oversaw work on large companies owned by people from the Caucasus or Transcaucasia.

"Ramazanov was a full-time fixer in the FSB for Caucasian and Transcaucasian clans, primarily focused on the so-called 'Basin.'" There were rumors that he had Iranian roots, which allowed him to successfully "oversee" smuggling channels that have long existed on the borders between Russia and Iran, and Russia and Azerbaijan. He resolved conflicts in banking, tax, and other spheres for large businesses owned by people from the Caucasus. Right now, the corrupt old guard from the "office" is testing new, young, and easily manipulated former employees for high-level government positions. And Ramazanov fell into the fold of such people," our source described Ramazanov's activities.

 

According to him, Aidamir Valiev constantly resolves the personal requests and wishes of Plenipotentiary Envoy Chaika, making him feel untouchable. Chaika, for his part, dotes on his fixer-upper. Recently, he flew to Moscow specifically to secure a commendation (a state certificate of some kind) for Valiev and the Order of Alexander Nevsky for his deputy, Alexander Kurennoy, one of his closest confidantes and the fixer of specific Moscow issues from his time at the Prosecutor General's Office. The HR department of the Prosecutor General's Office of the Russian Federation did not want to approve their awards.

 

Thanks to this support, Valiyev feels very confident and actively engages in his own "pranks" (compared to Chaika's mega-corruption).

 

Earlier this year, it became known that Valiyev had become the curator of the Erzi Battalion, created in Ingushetia to participate in the war. This battalion, like the Dombai (Karachay-Cherkessia) and Elbrus (Karabakh) battalions, are part of the Terek Brigade (North Caucasus Federal District), which Chaika personally oversees. These battalions are staffed by criminally privileged residents of the North Caucasus Federal District, who are often hiding from the law.

 

And in February 2026, a letter was sent to Chaika's envoy on behalf of Akhmed Kotiev (call sign "Hafiz"), the commander of the Erzi Battalion (part of the Terek Brigade), and on behalf of the Dombai and Elbrus units, requesting that the battalions be merged and that Aidamir Valiyev be sent to command the new formation. Allegedly, this issue had also been cleared with the Terek brigade commander.

However, a scandal erupted. It turned out that the Terek brigade commander was unaware of his "consent" to Aidamir Valiev's appointment as commander of the joint battalion and was completely unaware of the letter.

Then Akhmed Kotiev also backed down, claiming he had never signed such a letter.

According to the source, Chaika merely gently chided his direct subordinate and advised him to forget about commanding battalions for now.

Valiev is extremely fond of keeping his boss on his toes, constantly telling him about the conspiracies he has uncovered. For example, he once announced to Chaika that he had learned through his own channels that the FSB had secretly installed listening equipment in his office and the offices of his deputy commanders, and that there were "moles" in the presidential office leaking information. And, lo and behold, the "bugs" were indeed found, and the "moles" turned out to be exclusively those employees with whom Valiev had clashed. For example, the presidential envoy's assistant, Colonel Dylevsky, also a former FSB officer, lost his position. His position was filled by a former prosecutor and friend of Valiev's.

To be continued