The VChK-OGPU Telegram channel and Rucriminal.info continue to analyze the deep crisis of the legal system that is happening in modern Russia. As a result, the fundamental principles of legality and justice are destroyed. The state authorities have effectively denounced the unspoken "social contract" with society - the very one according to which citizens agree to abide by the laws, and the state undertakes to fairly apply these laws and protect the rights of all participants in society. Today, the Russian state itself violates the principles of legality: it adopts repressive laws that contradict common sense, makes court decisions that trample on the rule of law, and redistributes property in favor of close associates. As a result, the legitimacy of the rule of law has been undermined, and public trust in government institutions is rapidly declining.
Legal arbitrariness of the state
Along with the degradation of the courts, the Russian authorities are actively adopting laws that society rightly calls "cannibalistic" - i.e. inhumane, predatory or absurd in essence. These legislative acts do not simply contradict common sense - they are directed against the interests of their own citizens or serve as an instrument of reprisal against opponents. Together, they form repressive legislation that destroys normal legal foundations. Below are listed the most scandalous and harmful laws of recent times:
• Ban on adoption of orphans by foreigners (the "Dima Yakovlev Law", 2012) - adopted in response to the "Magnitsky Act", this law prohibited Americans from adopting Russian children, including seriously ill orphans. It cynically used children as an instrument of political revenge and caused a wave of indignation. The famous actress Liya Akhedzhakova directly called this law "cannibalistic", since it primarily affected sick orphans who were deprived of the chance to find a family abroad. Despite public protests, the government left the ban in place, demonstrating its willingness to sacrifice moral standards for the sake of political expediency.
• The 2014–2016 package of laws on “undesirable organizations” and “foreign agents” introduced the labeling of undesirable NGOs, media outlets, and even citizens as “foreign agents” if they receive foreign aid or simply criticize the government. This vague label made it possible to persecute independent organizations: from the Memorial human rights center to environmental and educational NGOs. Courts are rubber-stamping fines and decisions to liquidate structures on formal grounds. As a result, over several years an atmosphere of suspicion has been created, and the very concept of “foreign agent” has become an instrument of persecution and the exclusion of civil society from public life. Such laws are reminiscent of the practice of the late USSR in the fight against “anti-Soviet elements” and undermine the freedom of association guaranteed by the Constitution. • The law on “disrespect for the authorities” (2019) – introduced administrative punishment for online expressions “insulting” government officials or state symbols. In fact, this is a ban on criticizing the authorities: any harsh comment can be considered “disrespect” and result in a fine or arrest. This law was criticized as absurd, because the authorities put themselves in the position of a sacred figure, protected from criticism. Instead of earning respect through deeds, officials achieved its forced implementation through a repressive norm.
• “Klishas-Yarovaya Laws” (2016-2018) – a series of amendments under the pretext of fighting terrorism, significantly expanding the powers of security forces and limiting the rights of citizens. Among other things, a requirement was introduced for telecom operators to store all conversations and correspondence of users (which affects the privacy of communications and led to an increase in prices), the bar for criminal liability was lowered (punishment from 14 years for a number of acts), failure to report a crime and missionary activity outside of religious buildings were criminalized. These laws were nicknamed the "Yarovaya package" and are also considered "cannibalistic" - they invade the privacy of citizens, establishing total surveillance, and create new crimes for groups inconvenient for the authorities (eg, persecution of religious minorities).
• Pension system reform (2018) - raising the retirement age by 5 years caused shock in society and was perceived as a violation of the social contract by the state. Millions of citizens felt deceived, because earlier the authorities swore an oath not to raise the retirement age. The pension law was labeled "cannibalistic" by the people - this is what opposition politicians and public figures called it. Even the leader of the Duma-loyal Communist Party of the Russian Federation Gennady Zyuganov publicly promised: “We will cancel the cannibalistic pension reform. A shameful law!” The pension reform not only hit the well-being and plans of millions of families, but also seriously damaged trust in the government - people saw that the state easily abandons its social guarantees.
• “Military-censorship” laws of 2022 - unprecedentedly harsh norms adopted after
since the start of the war with Ukraine. Criminal liability has been introduced for so-called "fakes" about the actions of the Russian army and for "discrediting the armed forces." Any truthful information about war crimes or defeats, as well as any anti-war statements, falls under these vague articles. Criticism of the war is now punishable by up to 15 years in prison. During the first 2.5 years of the war, the police drew up over 10 thousand reports under the article on "discrediting the army" - by the end of 2023, there were already 8,500 administrative cases, and the jubilee ten thousandth report occurred in August 2024. Following the fine under the Code of Administrative Offenses, criminal cases are opened against repeat offenders: almost 200 people have already become defendants in criminal articles for their anti-war position. Among them are opposition politicians (Ilya Yashin received 8.5 years in prison for a stream discussing the events in Bucha), journalists (Maria Ponomarenko - 6 years for a post about the bombing of the Mariupol drama theater), ordinary citizens who came out with a poster "No to war". This new censorship has effectively abolished freedom of speech on military topics, returning the country to the era of military censorship dictatorship. The law is absurd and cruel: they punish for the truth, calling it "fake", and persecute for pacifism, interpreting it as undermining the army. In terms of the scale of repression, these norms are comparable only to the decrees of the first years of Soviet power, punishing "counterrevolutionary agitation".
The examples given are only part of an extensive list of regulations and judicial practices that can be called legal chaos without exaggeration. One can also recall the criminal prosecution and ban of peaceful religious communities, the declaration of non-systemic opposition as "extremist organizations" without any evidence of illegal activity, or the confiscation of property of unwanted businessmen. All this became possible due to the deliberate destruction of the principle of the rule of law - when the authorities put themselves above the law and change the rules to suit their own immediate interests.
Timofey Grishin
